Understanding Populism.

The diversity of features attributed to populism - and, as a result, the variety of critiques leveled at it - are remarkable. It sometimes seems as though people are using the same terms to address very different phenomena. Is there any distinctive meaning to populism? Is populism inherently anti-democratic or, on the contrary, is it the epitome of democratic practice? What should an engagement with populist movements mean for the theory and practice of democracy? This paper seeks to map the discursive ecosystem that populism determines. It canvasses the phenomena often associated with populism, proposes an interrelated set of concerns that is distinctive to populism, suggests how populism intersects with propensities and affinities with which it is often associated, emphasises the role of growing economic inequality, and suggests responses to populist movements that are grounded in a truly democratic constitutionalism.

A democracy built on communicative action: Bahá'í political practice as a prefigurative resource for institutional effectiveness, accountability, and inclusivity.

Goal 16 of the UN sustainable development goals, which calls on the global community to "build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels," can be conceptualized as aiming at fostering communicative action, a concept developed by Jürgen Habermas to describe a mode for coordinating society grounded in deliberation. However, Habermas simultaneously provides an account of the structural transformation of the public sphere that suggests a hard limit on the capacity of mainstream capitalist liberal democracies to foster genuine communicative action in the relationships between institutions, individuals and communities. This paper therefore argues for the critical role of prefigurative politics, in which communities strive to internally embody desired socio-political forms rather than focusing on changing the wider socio-political order, as a vital resource for generating examples to inform institutional progress. The prefigurative example of the Baha'i community demonstrates norms and practices that may illustrate a path out of the dynamic Habermas identifies of system colonizing lifeworld, by fostering and protecting communicative action as the mode of social coordination. The form of communicative action found in the Baha'i community is situated in a context of a telic-organic model of relationships between individuals, communities and institutions. The paper contrasts the conceptual underpinnings of this model with individualistic conceptions of human nature that are argued to undermine liberal democracy's capacity for communicative action. At the core of communicative action within a Baha'i context is a distinctive model of deliberation, known within the community as "consultation". The paper argues that rational-critical consultation can offer a vital nuance to Habermas' ideal of communicative action as rational-critical debate in the public sphere. The formal democratic structures and processes of the Bahá'í community are also explored as an institutional example that arguably meets the challenge of Goal 16. The paper concludes with initial reflections on a process by which the prefigurative example of a Baha'i model might be brought to bear on institutional performance in wider society.

Facing the rising sun: Political imagination in Black adolescents' sociopolitical development.

Black adolescents occupy one of the most precarious and marginalized social locations of society, yet they remain vigilant against oppression. Indeed, Black youth have a vast history of political action and activism around domestic and global issues. Existing scholarship frequently examines the sociocultural and cognitive factors associated with Black adolescents' political and civic engagement and related outcomes. Lost in these interrogations is an examination of the psychological processes that undergird adolescents' sociopolitical visions. To address this gap, this conceptual analysis examines political imagination and its role in Black adolescents' sociopolitical development. Political imagination is the cognitive space and process where people consciously distance the present moment to engage, explore, examine, and (de)construct sociopolitical worlds or realities.

The Political Embeddedness of Voluntary Action: The Case of Local Philanthropic COVID-19 Relief Funds.

Scholars and policymakers have long been interested in the complex relationships between political institutions and voluntary collective action. However, the reciprocal nature of their relationships complicates empirical analysis: voluntary action supports democratic institutions and political institutions enable voluntary action. This article examines the relationship between political institutions and the activation of local voluntary action in the context of COVID-19 funds managed by community philanthropic organizations. We find that political engagement, policy signaling, and political competition all support the emergence of a COVID-19 fund. The findings advance our understanding of the significant role that political institutions play in activating voluntary action.

Research on the Organic Integration of Chinese Excellent Traditional Time Concept into the Ideological and Political Course Teaching in Medical Colleges and Universities / 中国医学伦理学

The excellent traditional Chinese time concept embodies and highlights the unique whole universe view of Chinese culture, which is harmonious with all things in heaven and earth, the gradual historical development view, and the life struggle view of calm and steady progress, having important value for the formation and shaping of contemporary medical students’ "three views". To organically integrate Chinese excellent traditional time concept, an important excellent traditional cultural resource, into the ideological and political courses of medical colleges and universities, it is necessary to integrate it with time awareness education of cultivating self-control and self-discipline of medical students, with the historical value education of cultivating self-confidence and self-reliance of medical students, and with the enterprising spirit education to strive for progress in stability under the ideological guidance of the Marxist time concept, the theoretical support of the essential statement on "two combinations" by general secretary Xi Jinping, and the mission guidance of the ideological and political course construction for medical colleges and universities in the new era. Promoting the reform and innovation of ideological and political courses of medical colleges and universities from the perspective of time concept can effectively help medical students in the new era build a systematic time consciousness, form a healthy time concept, and practice a scientific time management method, effectively constructing their humanistic rationality, cultural self-confidence, and historic initiative.

[Pandemia, ignorancia y sufrimiento evitable.] / Pandemic, ignorance and avoidable suffering.

COVID-19 pandemics gave us relevant lessons that are going to leave a durable mark in our individual and collective experience. Those lessons are both practical and endowed with a moral import. But the pandemic has left a trail of experiences poorly elaborated that leads, with some urgency, to forced silence and to the cancellation of emotional trauma. The aim of this paper was to disentangle the complex relationship that arises, under conditions of uncertainty, between knowledge and ignorance, both from the perspective of experts and of policy makers, and even of the ordinary people, struck or not by the SARS-CoV-2 virus. To that end, I distinguish between three different levels of analysis (agency, institutions, and ideological frameworks) so to argue that the mismatches that occur in all of them, and between them, are sources of avoidable harm. The purpose of this exploration was, therefore, to bring to the floor, relying on the conceptual tools of the political epistemology, both the aspects of the traumatic experience that still lack an adequate elaboration and the features that provide an improved resilience for individuals and societies in tackling with the frightful consequences of the pandemic.

La pandemia de la COVID-19 ha dejado lecciones relevantes que van a marcar, durante años, nuestra experiencia individual y colectiva. Son lecciones tanto prácticas como de orden moral. Pero la pandemia ha dejado también un rastro de experiencias pobremente elaboradas que conducen, con cierta premura, al silencio forzado y a la cancelación del trauma. El propósito de este trabajo fue mostrar la compleja relación que, en condiciones de incertidumbre, se establece entre conocimiento e ignorancia, tanto en la perspectiva de los expertos, como en la de los políticos e incluso de los ciudadanos corrientes, víctimas o no del virus SARS-CoV-2. Para ello se distingue entre tres diferentes niveles de análisis (de la agencia, de las instituciones y de los marcos ideológicos subyacentes) y se argumenta que los desajustes que se producen en cada uno de estos niveles, y entre ellos, son fuente de sufrimiento evitable. El propósito del trabajo fue, por tanto, sacar a flote, con los instrumentos conceptuales de la epistemología política, tanto los principales perfiles que siguen sin ser adecuadamente elaborados en esta experiencia traumática como los factores que hacen posible una mayor resiliencia, para los individuos y las sociedades, a la hora afrontar las consecuencias dramáticas de la pandemia.

Pandemia, ignorancia y sufrimiento evitable / Pandemic, ignorance and avoidable suffering

La pandemia de la COVID-19 ha dejado lecciones relevantes que van a marcar, durante años, nuestra experiencia individual y colectiva.Son lecciones tanto prácticas como de orden moral. Pero la pandemia ha dejado también un rastro de experiencias pobremente ela-boradas que conducen, con cierta premura, al silencio forzado y a la cancelación del trauma. El propósito de este trabajo fue mostrarla compleja relación que, en condiciones de incertidumbre, se establece entre conocimiento e ignorancia, tanto en la perspectivade los expertos, como en la de los políticos e incluso de los ciudadanos corrientes, víctimas o no del virus SARS-CoV-2. Para ello sedistingue entre tres diferentes niveles de análisis (de la agencia, de las instituciones y de los marcos ideológicos subyacentes) y seargumenta que los desajustes que se producen en cada uno de estos niveles, y entre ellos, son fuente de sufrimiento evitable. Elpropósito del trabajo fue, por tanto, sacar a flote, con los instrumentos conceptuales de la epistemología política, tanto los principalesperfiles que siguen sin ser adecuadamente elaborados en esta experiencia traumática como los factores que hacen posible unamayor resiliencia, para los individuos y las sociedades, a la hora afrontar las consecuencias dramáticas de la pandemia.(AU)

COVID-19 pandemics gave us relevant lessons that are going to leave a durable mark in our individual and collective experience. Thoselessons are both practical and endowed with a moral import. But the pandemic has left a trail of experiences poorly elaborated thatleads, with some urgency, to forced silence and to the cancellation of emotional trauma. The aim of this paper was to disentanglethe complex relationship that arises, under conditions of uncertainty, between knowledge and ignorance, both from the perspectiveof experts and of policy makers, and even of the ordinary people, struck or not by the SARS-CoV-2 virus. To that end, I distinguishbetween three different levels of analysis (agency, institutions, and ideological frameworks) so to argue that the mismatches thatoccur in all of them, and between them, are sources of avoidable harm. The purpose of this exploration was, therefore, to bring tothe floor, relying on the conceptual tools of the political epistemology, both the aspects of the traumatic experience that still lack anadequate elaboration and the features that provide an improved resilience for individuals and societies in tackling with the frightfulconsequences of the pandemic.(AU)

AI Ethics, Ethics Washing, and the Need to Politicize Data Ethics.

Many commercial actors in the tech sector publish ethics guidelines as a means to 'wash away' concerns raised about their policies. For some academics, this phenomenon is reason to replace ethics with other tools and methods in an attempt to make sure that the tech sector does not cross any moral Rubicons. Others warn against the tendency to reduce a criticism of 'ethics washing' into one of ethics simpliciter. In this essay, I argue firstly that the dominant focus on principles, dilemmas, and theory in conventional ethical theories and practices could be an explanation of it lacking resistance to abuse by dominant actors, and hence its rather disappointing capacity to stop, redirect, or at least slow down big tech's course. Secondly, drawing from research on casuistry and political philosopher Raymond Geuss, this essay will make a case for a question, rather than theory or principle-based ethical data practice. The emphasis of this approach is placed on the acquisition of a thorough understanding of a social-political phenomenon like tech development. This approach should be replenished with one extra component to the picture of the repoliticized data ethics drawn so far: the importance of 'exemplars,' or stories. Precisely the fact that one should acquire an in-depth understanding of the problem in practice will also allow one to look in the past, present, or future for similar and comparable stories from which one can learn.

The Improvement of Teaching Ideological and Political Theory Courses in Universities Based on Immersive Media Technology.

This paper focuses on the characteristics of immersive media technology and the advantages, problems and solutions in applying this technology to improve the teaching effectiveness of ideological and political theory courses in colleges and universities. Firstly, it introduces the current development and characteristics of immersive media technology. Secondly, it analyzed the outstanding advantages of immersive media technology in teaching from the following perspectives: virtual reality and augmented reality; sensory stimulation and emotional experience; and human-computer interaction and self-harmony. Thirdly, it puts forward the ways to improve the teaching effectiveness based on immersive media technology from the aspects of theoretical study, history study, and practical study of ideological and political theory courses in colleges and universities. Finally, it discusses the problems in applying immersive media technology to teaching the above courses and puts forward some solutions.

The Past, Present, and Future States of Political Theory.

Beginning with a historical perspective on the long and short past of political theory, I argue for three priorities for the field's future: (1) theorizing why and how constitutional democracies corrode and die, and what might be done to stop rising authoritarianism and fascism, as well as racism and misogyny, in liberal egalitarian political systems; (2) the advancement of more predictive and future-oriented forms of political theory to address democratic corruption, democratic backsliding into authoritarianism, and other urgent political problems; and (3) the need to diversify the field and the wider discipline of political science by advancing women and people of color. To stay true to its own history, political theory should lend a helping hand to politics and society when democracy is in crisis.

Practice of Ideological and Political Theory Education in Nursing Ethics integrating humanistic education under the background of "New Medical Education" / 中国实用护理杂志

This study takes "Nursing Ethics" course as an example, tries to carry out a diversified teaching reform in theory and practice in accordance with the requirement of humanistic education of "New Medical Education" and the political education objective of "Morality Education". It aims to promote the integration of "Ideological and Political Education" and "Humanistic Education". It is expected to improve students′ humanistic quality and shape students' values.The results can provide reference for the Ideological and Political Theory Education in medical curriculums under the background of "New Medical Education" .

[Bodies and Political Orders. On the Role of Bodies in Modern Western Political Theory]. / Körper und politische (An­)Ordnungen. Zur Bedeutung von Körpern in der modernen westlichen Politischen Theorie.

At first glance, it can be stated that bodies do not play an important role in modern Western political theory. They are mostly privatized and set as natural or prepolitical. This article argues, however, that bodies are not absent in modern political theory but that they play a crucial political role. They legitimize political orders in a subtle way. Through an examination of central arguments in the work of Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Immanuel Kant, Hannah Arendt, John Rawls, and Jürgen Habermas, three ways are identified in which bodies shape modern Western political theory. First, bodies are used to legitimize the political order; second, they serve to determine political subjectivity; and third, body politics define politics. The text aims to highlight how a body-theoretical perspective that does not define the body as prepolitical but rather as a political construct is able to expand the scope of political theory.

Is Tolerance Liberal? Javed Ahmad Ghamidi and the Non-Muslim Minority.

Tolerance is claimed not just as central to liberalism, but increasingly as the sole preserve of a liberal order. This essay opens up a critical space for examining the naturalized relationship between liberalism and tolerance by focusing on the political thought of Javed Ahmad Ghamidi (1951-), a prominent Pakistani public intellectual who is often labeled as a "liberal" Islamic thinker. Ghamidi has never identified himself as one. Using as an investigative opportunity the disjuncture between his self-identification and how his ideas are labeled, and placing Ghamidi's ideas within the wider tradition of Islamic thought, this essay elaborates on his vision of non-liberal tolerance predicated on individual responsibility infused with humility and shari'a-inspired state minimalism. Insight into the depth of nonliberal conceptions can facilitate a reconsideration of the relationship between liberalism and tolerance.

COVID-19 Science Policy, Experts, and Publics: Why Epistemic Democracy Matters in Ecological Crises.

In times of planetary health crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, a critically informed science and technology policy is crucial. In this overarching context, governments are faced with making rapid and high-stake decisions dictated by emergency that in a state of normalcy they would not, or could not pursue. Governments tend to gather, therefore, an incredible amount of unchecked power in times of fast-moving ecological crises that raises concerns about where the legitimacy of such excessive power comes from. Moreover, the elected politicians rely on the expert advice in a pandemic. This takes away democratic political authority from the sovereign people and instead places it on allegedly objective unelected experts. In contrast, experts have (1) a dubious reputation in predicting the future and (2) varying degrees of biases and self-interests, which make them susceptible, for instance, to "framing problems" in relation to the urgent public issues at stake. This article suggests new ways of thinking about COVID-19 technology policy, drawing from the field of political science and democratic theory. It examines the power-laden tensions between the political authority and the expert authority. Going forward, I highlight the brief history of epistemic democracy, taking into consideration that in advanced modern democracies, political decision making has to draw, in part, from expert knowledge, but without resulting in democratic deficits. The COVID-19 science and technology policy can usefully build on epistemic democracy while strengthening the science, society, and democracy nexus.

Effective Vote Markets and the Tyranny of Wealth.

What limits should there be on the areas of life that are governed by market forces? For many years, no one seriously defended the buying and selling votes for political elections. In recent years, however, this situation has changed, with a number of authors defending the permissibility of vote markets (e.g. Freiman 2014). One popular objection to such markets is that they would lead to a tyranny of wealth, where the poor are politically dominated by the rich. In a recent paper, Taylor (Res Publica 23(3):313-328, 2017. doi:10.1007/s11158-016-9327-0) has argued that this objection can be avoided if certain restrictions are placed on vote markets. In this paper we will argue that this attempt to rebut an argument against vote markets is unsuccessful. Either vote markets secure their purported benefits but then they inevitably lead to a tyranny of wealth, or they are restricted so heavily that they lack the features that have been claimed to make vote markets attractive in the first place. Using Taylor's proposal as a test case, we make the more general claim that vote markets cannot avoid the tyranny of wealth objection and bring about their supposed benefits at the same time.

A consolidação do termo direito à cidade na cidade de São Paulo a partir das Jornadas de Junho: uma articulação hegemônica? / La consolidación del término derecho a la ciudad en la ciudad de São Paulo a partir de las marchas de Junio de 2013: una articulación hegemónica? / The consolidation of the term 'right to the city' in the city of São Paulo from the 2013 June demonstrations: a hegemonic articulation?

Resumo Utilizando a teoria política do discurso (TPD), desenvolvida por Laclau e Mouffe, como lente teórica, este artigo tem o intuito de investigar se o direito à cidade pode ser considerado uma articulação hegemônica na cidade de São Paulo. Para isso, percorremos historicamente o surgimento do termo e salientamos a emergência de grupos que se relacionam com este tema a partir das Jornadas de Junho de 2013: um evento que desestabilizou o sentido atribuído à hegemonia prévia, a cidade do capital. A resposta do poder municipal às manifestações foi a implantação da Coordenação de Promoção do Direito à Cidade, em uma tentativa de tornar o termo um ponto nodal. Ao analisar o discurso dos diferentes grupos, chegamos à conclusão de que o direito à cidade assume o papel de uma contra-hegemonia que se relaciona de forma antagônica com a hegemonia vigente. A principal contribuição do artigo está em identificar e analisar os diferentes significados adotados para o termo direito à cidade em São Paulo e como os atores mapeados interagem discursivamente no intuito de propor novas práticas de produção do espaço urbano.

Resumen Utilizando la teoría política del discurso (TPD), desarrollada por Laclau y Mouffe, como lente teórica, este artículo pretende investigar si el derecho a la ciudad puede ser considerado como una articulación hegemónica en la ciudad de São Paulo. Para eso, indagamos históricamente el surgimiento del término y destacamos la emergencia de grupos que se relacionan con este tema a partir de las Marchas de Junio de 2013: un evento que desestabilizó el sentido atribuido a la hegemonía previa, la ciudad del capital. La respuesta del poder municipal a las manifestaciones fue la implantación de la Coordinación de Promoción del Derecho a la Ciudad que intentó establecer el termo como un punto nodal. Al analizar el discurso de los diferentes grupos, llegamos a la conclusión de que el derecho a la ciudad asume el papel de una contrahegemonía que se relaciona de forma antagónica con la hegemonía vigente. La principal contribución de la investigación está en identificar y analizar los diferentes significados adoptados para el término derecho a la ciudad en São Paulo y cómo los actores mapeados interactúan discursivamente con el propósito de proponer nuevas prácticas de producción del espacio urbano.

Abstract This article aims to investigate whether the term "right to the city" can be considered as a hegemonic articulation in the city of São Paulo and the analysis is performed using the Political Theory of Discourse (PTD), developed by Laclau and Mouffe, as a theoretical lens. We traced through history the emergence of the term and the groups that relate to the notion it portrays, having June 2013 demonstrations in Brazil as a starting point: an event that destabilized the sense attributed to a previous hegemony, the city of capital. The local government's response to those demonstrations was the implementation of the Coordinating Body for the Promotion of the Right to the City, with the intention of establishing the term as a nodal point. By analyzing the discourse of the different groups, we conclude that the right to the city is a counter-hegemony that has an antagonistic relationship with the current hegemony. The main contribution of this article is to identify and analyze the different meanings attributed to the term 'right to the city' in São Paulo and how the mapped actors discursively interact to propose new practices for production of urban space.

Political Responsibility as a Virtue: Nussbaum, MacIntyre, and Ricoeur on the Fragility of Politics.

Contemporary virtue ethics is often criticized for its silence on political issues. In this article, it is argued, however, that virtue ethical theory can provide a clarifying understanding of political responsibility. Building on the work of Nussbaum, MacIntyre, and Ricoeur, first, the virtue ethical meaning of politics is elaborated. Then, the vulnerability of politics for typical threats is presented. Finally, it is established what political responsibility as the virtue to deal with these threats encompasses.

The Quality Adjusted Life Year: A Total-Utility Perspective.

Given that a properly formed utilitarian response to healthcare distribution issues should evaluate cost effectiveness against the total utility increase, it follows that any utilitarian cost-effectiveness metric should be sensitive to increases in both individual and social utility afforded by a given intervention. Quality adjusted life year (QALY) based decisionmaking in healthcare cannot track increases in social utility, and as a result, the QALY cannot be considered a strict utilitarian response to issues of healthcare distribution. This article considers arguments against, and a possible defence of, the QALY as a utilitarian concept; in response, the article offers a similar - but properly formed - utilitarian metric called the (IALY). This article also advances a tool called the 'glee factor' (GF) on which the IALY may lean in a similar way to which the QALY leans on the Rosser Index.

Machiavelli and the liberalism of fear.

This article revisits the long-standing question of the relations between ethics and politics in Machiavelli's work, assessing its relevance to the 'liberalism of fear' in particular in the work of Judith Shklar, Bernard Williams and also John Dunn. The article considers ways in which Machiavelli has been a 'negative' resource for liberalism - for instance, as a presumed proponent of tyranny; but also ways in which even for the liberalism of fear he might be considered a 'positive' resource, above all around the issues of political necessity and prudential judgement.